Submitted to: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY, Vol.16 - N4 (235-244) - 2001
Revised October 20, 2000. Accepted December 10, 2000
Citation: International Journal of Anthropology, Volume 16, Number 4, 235-244, DOI: 10.1007/BF02447232
Abstract:
A comparison of words in the Akarimojong and Gaelic languages reveals a large number of similar words with related meanings. Not only are there many isolated words in common between the two languages, but also there are may thematic words related to cultural activities such as construction of dwellings, animal husbandry, cultivation, food processing and personal adornment. Extension of the research reveals the existence of Akarimojong words with similar meanings to words or phrases in Hebrew, Sumerian, Akkadian, Spanish and Tibetan among other languages. The geographic spread of these modern languages and the extensive commonalities between thematic word lists suggests that the various languages formed a single entity some time in the past, possibly as early as the Late Pleistocene.
Introduction
The author who is Scottish, spent 30 yearsamong the Karimojong, who until the late 1960s preserved their traditional pastoral/agricultural way of life with great integrity, being exceptionally resistant to outside influences. The Karimojong are a Nilotic people (Greenberg, 1981) that live in North-East Uganda (Dyson-Hudson, 1966). They are close cultural and linguistic relatives of the Turkana of Kenya, the Topossa of Southern Sudan and the Dongiro of South-west Ethiopia.
As the author learnt Akarimojong, he was frequently struck by the similarity of words or roots of words in Gaelic and Akarimojong. During the past three decades the author has been able to devote more time to linguistic research and has come to the conclusion that the similarities in word lists are not meerly coincidental, but are very probably evidence of a common linguistic and cultural foundation. The chances of historically recent diffusion of words between the two languages is highly unlikely. As the studies were extended to include other languages such as Hebrew, Sumerian, Akkadian, Spanish and Tibetan, it became clear that the similarities were pervasive and geographically widespread, indicating that these languages may havve been derived from an anncestral language or "Mother Tongue" spoken by all mankind in Late Pleistocene times (Shevoroshkin, 1990).
The Karimojong
The Karimojong people (language Akarimojong) live in Karamoja, North-East Uganda. Their traditional tribal way of life, which has been radically altered during the past three decades, included seasonal cultivation and pasturage of domestic livestock.
The Karimojong had an extraordinarily rich cultural element including the wearing skin garments by women and complexly patterned headdresses by men, who were otherwise naked. Although the agricultural and pastoral way of life still exists, albeit in a much modified form, the traditional attire has not survived except as a shadow of its former glory. This cultural loss was forcibly imposed upon the Karimojong in the early 1970s.
Immmediately prior to this forced aculturation the author has started collecting and preserving as much of the Karimojong material culture as possible, and has in his possession the most complete and comprehensive collection of Karimojong artefacts in the world. Ammong the artefacts are specimens which closely resemble elements from ancient Egypt, including disc-shaped beads cut from ostritch eggs worn by women, comparable to those used by noble women in ancient Egypt (Aldred, 1971). The Karimojong live in open country and build temporary or permanennt dwellings with grass roofs. They never dwell in caves, which is important to note because much of the archaelogical evidence unearthed in East Africa and usually interpreted as being representative of most human groups living at the time, has been from cave sites, and thus pertinent to the study of people who did not live like the Karimojong.
Methods and Sources of Information
The author has an intimate knowledge of the Akarimojong language and the cultural practices of the Karimojong people. His Scottish background give him a certian fluency in Gaelic, in addition the following dictionaries wete consulted for languages not spoken by the the author.
Cassell's Spanish-English: English-Spanish Dictionary (Peers et al.,1959); Collins Spurrel Welsh Dictionary (Thorne, 1959); A Tibetan-English Dictionary (Das, 1902); A Sumerian Reading Book (Gadd, 1924); Ngakarimojong-English Dictionary (Loor, 1975); Gaelic-English and English-Gaelic Dictionary (MacAlpine & MacKenzie, 1975); Gaelic Dictionary (MacLennan, 1979); New Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (Bruhl, 1959); Suomi-Englanti-Suomi Sanakirja (Rekiaro & Robinson, 1966).
Thematic word lists were drawn up, principally for Akarimojong and Gaelic, but also for some of the other languages. Where matterial culture is concerned, the author has personal experience of the use of certian artefacts by the Karimojong (Wilson, 1972, 1973).
Results of Linguistic Comparisons
The extensive list of words related to dwellings and the building thereof (Table 1) reveals an extraordinary wealth of connections between Gaelic and Akarimojong, suggesting that the ancestral group to which these two modern languages may have belonged were also inhabitants of open country.
Table 1
Word list associated with dwellings and lifestyle
Gaelic Akarimojong
ataig - a stake atyakat - a stake used in hut building
boith - a hut aki-boi - to dwell
bot - a house eboot - a temporary dwelling
cainnean - live embers ekeno - a fireplace
ceis - a basket ekisese - basket-like bag
cuta - short log akuta - a short sharpened log used for digging post holes of a dwelling
dhamaisear - mud a-damach - to plaster mud on a wall
doirteall - a drain, sink edirit - slops, residual water
dorus - a doorway akidor - the entrance to a building
eanglas - gruel aki-ngalingalum - to cook porridge quickly
garadh - warm yourself at a fire aki-garar - to sit open-legged at a fire
iallach - "in strings" aki-lach - to unite
ibh - an intoxicating drink ebibis - half-fermented beer
laban - mire, dirt aki-labo - to plaster
larach - site of a building alaar - a courtyard
leann - ale, beer aliet - a beer strainer
oibirich - ferment aki-pirichiar - to overflow as beer foam
ollam - woolly aki-lom - to plait, weave
reith - a battering ram aki-rit - to beat heavily, thresh grain
ropan - a little cord aki-rop - to lengthen a rope
rum - a room, space aruumu - a spacious dwelling place
smuchan - a half-smothered fire aki-muchakin - to smother a fire
steing - a hanging hook atinget - a handle
teach - house, habitation aki-teka - to cut wood for house construction
teine - fire a-tyenun - to ignite a fire
tobhta - ruins of a dwelling atobet - piece of wood retrieved from an abandoned dwelling
tog - to build etogo - a temporary or uncompleted building
tot - roast on the embers etotole - embers, charcoal
tugh - to thatch a house aki-tuk - thatch a hut
tula - hearth, fire aki-tule - to blow a fire
Table 2:
World list of utensils
Spanish Akarimojong
jarro - a pitcher or jug a-jarosior - to empty a (ceramic) jug
------------- a-jarapiar - to drink noisily (from a jug)
tacho - an earthen pot atakao - a kind oof earthen jar, vessel
tibor - a chamber pot atibo - distinctive small pot or jug
Table 3:
World list of human atmosphere
Gaelic Akarimojong
acras - hunger akoro - hunger
aill - desire aki-liili - to admire
aille - beauty aki-laila - to brighten, clean
aillean - shyness aki-il - to be afraid
aimsir - weather lo-ima - rain
cail - energy, strength aki-ila - to be energetic
caireach - repair, order aki-rikakin - to put in order, repair
callan - noise a-kale - to yell
calbh - a twig for basket-making akale - a pliable twig
carbh - to carve aki-chare - to carve
--------- acharadu - a kind of wooden stool
ceilich - to eat ekelai - a tooth
cial - rim of a vessel ekeli - rim of a vessel
cir - comb aki-kyer - to comb the hair
comhart - bark of a dog aki-kom - to bark
cuan - an ocean aki-kwang - to swim
eanaidh - to straddle aki-nad - to straddle
eud - malice at another's success aki-ud - to bewitch
gat - a bar of iron alagat - a loop of iron
lach - a laugh alakara - happiness
laom - a blaze of light alomunet - sunrise
luib - a herb elib - green
malairt - exchange, barter aki-malyakan - to exchange, barter
marsan - a merchant aki-mar - to count
matheir - a dam, reservior amatata - a hand-dug dam, reservoir
mian - desire, love amina - love, affection
morgath - a fishing spear amorok - the shaft of a spear
odan - a finger aki-od - to scoop out with fingers
ol - drunkenness aki-wolol - to shout when drunk
paidirin - a set of beads apad-it - a kind of necklace
reamhair - a traveller ekerimon - a nomad
reime - rim of a spinning wheel aki-rim - to circle
ro - a path erot - a path, road
teallach - a smith's forge a-tallar - to smelt iron
teasd - die ates - a grave
toll - make a hole aki-tol - to perforate
uarach - homely nga-uryo - home(birthplace)
urr - child, infant a-uri - to give birth
utaig - strife a-utakin - to jump up and fight
The pervasive similarities between these word lists suggest that not only do Gaelic and Akarimojong speakers probably share a common aancestral "Mother Tongue" but they also shared elements of a common material culture related to dwellings, which the word list indicates probably comprised mud-walled, thatched huts, and a lifestyle which included brewing and cooking.
Extension of the research to Spanish revealls that Akarimojong and Spanish also share several words related to cooking (Table 2) especially to the utensils used in preparing food or as drinking vessels.
Examination of words related to human atmosphere provide further strong evidence of a deep-rooted linguistic connection between Gaelic and Akarimojong Tabel 3 provides a substantial list of words concerning human atmosphere which the Karimojong preserved until very recently, and perhaps also the Scots not too long ago.
The closeness of the above words, despite the immense separation between Scotland and Karamoja is remarkable, and indicates the strong possibility of a common tongue sometime in their respective histories, shared human experience, and some aspects of material culture. These words could not have existed on their own without some context or other, such as a subsistence pattern. That this was so is suggested by the fact that the Karimojong inhabit grassy plains which allow the pasturage of domestic livestock, a way related to domestic stock (Table 4) provides further evidence of support of a close linguistic and cultural link between the Scots and the Karimojong.
Table 4:
World list associated with livestock
Gaelic Akarimojong
aireach - a dairyman arii - a milking pen
ar - slaughter aki-ar - to slaughter
bo - a cow abolibol - the dewlap of a cow
callaid - a surrounding fence ekal - a stock enclosure
caora - a sheep ekoroi - a male goat, buck
cro - pen cattle aki-ro - to pen cattle
cuidh - an enclosure aki-ud - to drive cattle into an enclosure
deala - a teat aki-dal - to milk
earc - a cow araakan - a cow that still gives milk after the death of its calf
im - butter akimyet - butter
leasach - dung nga-sike - dung
mang - a year-old fawn imanganit - a calf
meanbhcrodh - goats and sheep a-meanakin - to exchange livestock
megeil - bleat of a goat nga-mee - goats
meilearach - long seaside grass amel - verdant pasture
monadh - moor, health amone - bush, wilderness
rioba - double rope used in restraining a bull aroba - plaited leather collar of a man's sacred ox
sine - teat akisin - a teat
tain - wealth in flocks ate - a cow
tan - a cattle raid a-tangatar - to raid cattle
toch - dismembered limbs of cattle aki-tochol - to distribute dismembered limbs of cattle after ritual slaughter
uairneach - barrren heifer of age to calve a-u-are - to calve
uachdrach - rich in cream aki-wak - to yield much milk
Spanish Akarimojong
corral - circular stock enclosure ekorr - a circular stock enclosure
ajorar - theft of cattle ajore - a cattle raid
If the word lists reflect common ancestry in the remote past (ca. Late Pleistocene) rather than diffusion between languages at some later date, then the evidence of Table 4 would indicate that domestication of livestock is a very ancient achievement of mankind, made when there was a single "world language" which embraced the yet-to-be-evolved Gaelic, Spanish,and Akarimojong languages. Not only do the words relate to domestic stock but they also suggest a pattern of settlement in open country with greater or lesser degrees of seasonal transhumance. It would bbe extremely difficult to find evidence for such a conclusion from the archaelogical record even if one were to find, for example, a polished stone axe(celt). The usual interpretation of celts is that they were used for felling trees or that they had some religious connotations which are usually unspecified by archaelogists. The Karimojong have preserved its usage as a bludgeon that loosened the horns of an individual's sacred ox, permitting them to be set at an artificial profile of predetermined identity (Wilson, 1972). The possibility is that cells may have been used for such sacred purposes well before the Neolithic.
Further enquiry about celts reveals interesting possibilities. In Akarimojong, a celt is aramet. Met in ancient Egyptian mentions refers to phallus (Budge, 1922). Ra possibly refers to the god Ra, who, according to one legend, was "the bull of his mother" who was the cow-goddess Hathor (Casson, 1965). Whilst this interpretation may at first glance seem far-fetched, it becomes less so when one considers that the axe-like process of a celt is compared by the Karimojong to the head of the penis. Furthermore, the alteration of horn profiles was practiced by ancient Egyptians as si testified by mummified remains of cattle. Further evidence for the meaning of the met element comes from Asia, where the Nagas of India stilll possessed the celt until recently, referring to it as methie (Hutton, 1921) but using it in connection with domestic buffalo rather than cattle. This evidence of a stone object not normally connected with livestock husbandry, speaks eloquently of a cultural and linguistic link between the Karimojong and the Nagas.
Table 5:
Thematic words associated with agriculture
Gaelic Akarimojong
aiteachadh - act of cultivation etich - cultivation, work
ar - ploughing aki-tare - to cultivate
caibe - a mattoch, spade aki-keb - to chip at hard ground
criathair - sift, sieve amoru nakiriet - a quern
----------- erite - a winnowing tray
----------- nga-kiria - flour, meal
cur - sow seed aki-kur - to prepare land for planting
eararadh - parched grain erara - sheddinng of prematurely dry grain
githir - wrist pain arising from plucking heads of grain a-giit - to harvest millet by plucking off heads of grain
ith - oats e-ita - a granary
laomsgair - an abundant crop aki-lomilom - to bear in abundance
leumhann - meal flour of a mill ali-lumokin - to scoop meal in the hands
manas - cultivated land, farm amana - cultivated land, a farm
mol - chaff amilot - chaff
orag - a sheaf of grain a-oret - nearly ripe grain
ragh - a row a-ra-akin - to plant in rows
raoid - a sheaf of oats ngi-ra-an - cereal crops
sad - dust asadoit - a clod of earth
seachadh - withered esukute - a withered crop
searr - to reap a-siar - to reap
soc - a ploughshare asokot - a wooden hoe
talamh - uncultivated land atale-o - uncultivated land
tal-fuinn - a hoe aki-ta - to cultivate
toradh - harvest aki-tor - to be in abundance
trus - glean aki-usem - to glean
Tibetan Akarimojong
sa-do - a sackful of earth asadoit - a clod of earth
If the ancient pastoral connections linked the Karimojong to the Scots and other peoples as postulated here, none would expect to find similar word correspondences in other thematic areas, such as agriculture. Table 5 lists words with agricultural connections.
This list, as with previous ones, provided evidence of a pervasive linguistic connection between Akarimojong and Gaelic, and suggests that their agricultural practices and lexicon are based on shared experiences rather than diffusion of words from one language to another. If so, then it indicates that the Karimojong way of life is an immensely ancient one which is identified with open country, and a pattern of seasonal rainfall that was sufficient for the cropping of cereals. Such evidence would be almost invisible in the archaelogical domain. Here, the linguistics appear to be providing strong evidence of ancient agricultural practices prior to the development of Gaelic and Akkarimojong as distinct languages.
In this respect it is perhaps pertinent to note that archaelogy may be misleading us to some extent into thinking that our Late Pleistocene precursors were solely hunter-gatherers and that agroculture and pastoralism only came later. Whilst some tools excavated from caves and other settings may well be pointing in this direction, it is quite possible that early pastoralism and agriculture, being open country pursuits with little in the way of mperishable artefacts, would have left little or no record of its existence. Linguistics, in contrast, suggests quite a different scenario- that agriculture and pastoralism have been around for a lot longer than is generally accepted. Words such as githir (Gaelic) and a-git (Akarimojong), which both describe the act of plucking heads of grain, demonstrate such a possibility. Linguistic echos such as words searr (Gaelic) and a-siar (Akarimojong) widens the scope when it is realised that these words are close to the word cereal in English, Latin and other languages. To take the examination a step further, let us look at the the syllable en in the word criathar (Gaelic) which means meal or flour. The Akarimojong word ngakiria means the same and has a coomparable syllable km. Further analysis reveals that the Akarimojong words amoru nakiriet describe a quern, in which amoru means the stone slab, leaving the word nakiriet to refer to the cereal product of flour produced with a querb. Admittedly this last example contains a lithic element that could find its way into the archaelogical record, but it must be sttressed that in Akarimojong, the words amoru nakiriet refer to the grinding of cultivated cereals, and not to wild grains that might be obtained by hunter-gatherers. Thus the linguistic approach provided additional evidence that the purely archaelogical approach might misinterpret or miss altogether. For example, Late Pleistocene sites in the Western Rift studied by Brooks (1988) might need reinterpreting in light of the linguistic evidence demonstrated above.
To extend the argument further, let us examine the word asokpt (Akarimojong), a wooden hoe. In Gaelic the same nstrument is a soc. One would have very little chance of finding such an implement in the archaelogical record, yet its existence in Gaelic and Akarimojong surely attest to its great antiquity. The word manas (Gaelic) and amana (Akarimojong) is pertinent here in that it refers to cultivated ground. The man syllable has a wider echo in many languages (Table 6).
The words listed in Table 6 amplify the influence that language and linguistics has much to offer the student of ancient agricultural practices, and by extension supports the author''s claim that much is yet to be learned of mankind's prehistoric heritage by making a lexical comparison of words of one language with those of another.
Table 6:
Words with the man syllable occuring in the context of cultivation
Akarimojong amana cultivated ground
Ancient Egypt Aman god of grainfields in mid-dynastic period
Bangladesh aman name given to the first rice crop of the year
English manure to cultivate
Finnish mannviljely cultivation, farming
Gaelic manas cultivated ground
Hebrew maanah a furrow
Japanese Ama no uzume goddess with agricultural connections
Spanish amanzamiento dividing a plot into squares
Tibetan rman ground, land
In the present case, a language such as Akarimojong that preserves much of its past, provides a key for interpreting the past, especially when it is compared with other languages such as Gaelic which idnetofy the same prehistoric foundations. As presented, these reveal a new picture of how our ancestors subsisted, which should stimulate discussion and lead to other studies. As a final example, let us examine Tibetan and Akarimojong words (Table 7) relates to patoralism such as the names of specific plants and birds and the grassy environment in which it is carried out, which, taken together speak eloquently of a great uniformity of elements between languages as far apart as Africa and Asia.
The examples given in Table 7 provides corroborative evidence for the great antiquity of the foundations shared by the Tibetans and Karimojong, foundations which have survived with extraordinarily little change. When added to teh evidence drawn from the comparisons of Gaelic and Akarimojong, Table 7 serves to remove any residual doubt that the reader might have had.
Casting the Net Wider
Personal adornment and other human activities provide further evidence of a shared linguistic and cultural ancestry. The Spanish word peluquin describes the hag-wig oof bygone times in Spain. In Karamoja, a bag-wig is orn by patriarchs on judicial and other important occassions. The wig is often more than a metre long, being composed of the lifetime accumulation of hair clippings of the individual and sometimes of his father before him, whih formed the felted fabric of this strange-looking object. Its Akarimojong name is pelekwa.
The Spanish hairstyle called a toca is known in English as toque. In Karamoja all young men of warrior status were obliged to wear a toque-like headdress of their accumulated hhair contained in a string-wound bag worn on the back of their heads. Its Akarimojong name is atokot.
Table 7:
Tibetan-Akarimojong world list associated with patoralism
Tibetan Akarimojong
dkar-kro - milk and curds a-karijij - to curdle milk
gyol - greenn shoots aki-yol - too be grassy
------- eyolo - savanna
khal-pa - a wether lamb ikale - a lamb
rmon-pa-dor - a yoke of oxen emong - an ox
rume - curdled milk aki-rumurum - to milk quickly
swa - a string of a nettle aki-swai-swa - to be stung by a nettle
tsa-kora - a partridge etokora - a partridge
tshal - a garden ecalichal - greenery, verdant pasture
tshir - squeeze forth aki-chirit - milk cows
who-ma - milk aki-wo - to yield milk
The Gaelic word cuta and Akarimojong akyta refer to a sharpened log that was employed in digging the pestholes of dwellings. This surely means that such practice extends well back into remote prehistoric times.
The Tibetan word khai-kyim - a simple dwelling - has a great deal of significance when it is compared with the Akarimojongwords for the same thing, akai. The Tibetan word thog-n - to roof a house - compares well with the Gaelic word tog - to build. To complete the picture, the Akarimojong word for an unfinished or temporary dwelling is etogo.
The leather pouch or purse that is worn over the famous kilt that Scots wear on ceremonial occassions bears the name sporan which derives from the Gaelic word spor which describes the flint and tinder that an itnerant Scot might carry wth him in such purse. In 1966 the author acquired a Tibetan purse in Nepal, which resembles a sporan in being of leather and having a lid and the same rounded outline on its lower edge. astonishingly enough thsi purse preserved the flint and tinder of itinerant Tibetans, and surprisingly its Tibetan name is mc spor-wa.
The Sumerian word aga compares with agaat in Akarimojong. In both languages the word means tiara. In the Karamojan example the object is socketed to allow placement of ostritch plumes into a semi-circle which fan out like the rays of the sun. A similar headpiece is worn by Naga warriors in India (Hutton, 1921) and ny North American Indians (Horse Capture, 1993). In Gaelic the word for a ray or a beam of light is gath recalling the image of rays of the sun. Further links to North American languages occur. For example the footwear known as mocassin finds an echo in Akarimojong, aimikat which describes a hide sandal. All of which suggests that there are deep linguistic roots shareed by Akarimojong with peoples as far apart as the Scots of northwestern Europe and the Indians of southwestern North America, passing by way of the Sumerians of the Middle East and the Nagas and the Tibetans of the Indian Sub-continent.
Discussion
A study as the one outlined above, reveals a completely new picture of mankind's ancestral activities. Conclusions based solely upon interpretation of lithic remains that Late Pleistocene mankind existed at a level where he could only fashion such artefacts and hunt animals for survival, is at variance with thelinguistic evidence. Some languages spoken today are much the same as were spoken in the remote prehistoric past, and they have much to reveal which is not entirely new, but also vastly different from the culturally limited scenarios of teh so-called "Stonne Ages". The linguistic evidence presented therein suggests that pastoralism and cultivation in open country settings, with the construction of mud and wooden dwellings, and certian types of personal adornment have existed since at least the Late Pleistocene, much earlier than is usually inferred from the archaelogical record.
If the present interpretation is valid, then it reveals much that is of pertinence to our understanding of the mental capacity oof mankind in the remote past, and it underscores the fundamental unity of mankind's foundations.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS - Grateful thanks due to: Mr. Moses Eokong, Range Management Offices of Eodwar, Turkana district, Kenya for reading the manuscript and making helpful suggestions. Dr. Martin Pickford of the College de France, Paris, for helpful advice and trouble in providing vital references. Mr. Ronald Smith of the Institute for Further Studies, Perth, Scotland, for correspondence and references.
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